August 15, 2009

Xinjiang travelogue

By Daniel Allen
Region of Renown
Chinese Turkestan – a long-time inspiration for die-hard travelers that brings to mind towering dunes, exotic bazaars and camel caravans laden with silk and spice. As my train crawled away from the drab confines of Beijing West station, headed for the Xinjiang capital of Urumqi, it wasnt easy to get excited by such romantic imagery. Nonetheless, compared with humdrum urban life in the Chinese capital, I knew that the next two weeks on Chinas wild western frontier were going to be a fascinating blend of the strange and scenic. I first read about Xinjiang and Central Asia (formerly Turkestan) in Sir Aurel Stein's enthralling book On Ancient Central-Asian Tracks. Stein, a Hungarian archaeologist-cum-explorer in the service of the British at the turn of the twentieth century, was the Indiana Jones of his day. Performing amazing feats of endurance and surviving the subterfuge of the "Great Game", he discovered lost cities and hidden treasure across the region (most of which ended up, to the later chagrin of the Chinese, in London 's BritishMuseum). His three Xinjiang expeditions of 1900, 1906 and 1913, in which he and his party covered forty thousand kilometers on foot or pony-back, were instrumental in the re-discovery of the Silk Route. Back in the relative luxury of my soft sleeper compartment, entertained by DVDs, MP3s and a couple of hefty tomes, I couldn 't help being a little blasé about Stein 's various hardships (a couple of fingers and toes lost to frostbite, for example). I was envious of his opportunity to travel in such an unsullied environment, ripe for adventure and the perfect backdrop for demonstrations of that stiff-upper-lip attitude that so characterized British imperialism at the time. As the trolley carrying warm beer and pig 's trotters passed my door for the fourth time, I resolved myself to the fact that the next 50-odd hours on board would give me plenty of time to display a stiff upper lip if I so chose.
Breathtaking Beginning
After a fitful night's sleep and several long card-playing sessions in the restaurant car, the train pulled in to the city of Wuwei in late afternoon hazy sunshine. After the dusty, barren plains of the previous day, the lushness of the surrounding countryside and intensive hillside terracing were a welcome contrast. Wuwei marks the beginning of the Hexi Corridor, a strategic and fertile strip of land running along the base of the Qilian Mountains, separating the expansive and unforgiving Gobi and Taklamakan Deserts. By far the easiest route into and out of eastern Xinjiang, the fortunes of the Silk Route were closely linked to control of the Hexi Corridor, and sections of Great Wall were constructed around it in an attempt to protect passing caravans from hostile tribes and bandits. The train was now climbing noticeably, and by early evening the landscape had once again changed dramatically. We were strangers in a rock-strewn lunar landscape, stretching for miles to the hilly horizon, with only the occasional ink-blot stain of a coal heap or vivid yellow mustard field to break the monotony. As the last few rays of the dying sun softened the grey and brown hues of this inhospitable land, I couldn't help wondering what Marco Polo had thought as he arrived here after an arduous trek across the dunes of the Taklamakan, on his way to Beijing in 1266. As night fell we passed the grimy outskirts of Zhangye, once a major Silk Route oasis where Polo was reputed to have stayed as a guest for a year, no doubt recouping his strength for a final push towards his goal. Pulling back the heavy compartment curtains the following morning, my eyes momentarily balked at the glare of sun on sand. Not yet 9 o'clock, the low dunes and coarse scrub were already shimmering in the furnace-like heat. Despite the cooling effect of the train's air-conditioning, it was easy to see how Xinjiang's deserts presented a huge obstacle for those traversing the Silk Route. Besides the obvious lack of water and extreme temperatures, fierce sandstorms could suddenly engulf travelers, turning day into night. The desert was also said to be haunted by ghosts, waiting to lure the weary to their death by calling for help in the dark of night. The name "Taklamakan" literally means "those who enter, fail to return" in the Turkic Uyghur language, and despite the technological advances of the last thousand-odd years, this oven-like ocean of sand still didn't appear particularly inviting.
A Tale of Two Cities
Leaving the desert, the train entered the foothills of the Tian Shan (Heavenly Mountain) range. Together with the great Altai and Kunlun ranges to the north and south, the towering ramparts of the Tian Shan form a forbidding natural barrier that encircles Xinjiang on three sides. Snaking between ravine and snowy peak, we abruptly emerged, mole-like, from one final tunnel, into the bright sunshine and verdant greenery of a heavily cultivated plain. Beyond the wind farms and swaying crops, Urumqi was finally in sight. Roughly half of the Xinjiang Autonomous Region's nineteen million citizens are Muslims, living across a vast area that covers one-sixth of all China. With a distinct and well-preserved cultural identity, the majority of these Muslims are Uyghur, claiming a 1300-year old descent from the Uyghur kingdom of Karabalghasan, located in present day Mongolia. After attack by Kyrgyz tribesmen in 840 CE, the Uyghur fled southwest and settled in the oasis towns surrounding the Taklamakan, maintaining trading relations along the Silk Route. Nowadays, Urumqi is a vibrant, interesting mix of Han and Uyghur, with street vendors peddling succulent yangrou chuar (lamb kebabs) and roundels of crispy, delicately spiced nang bread outside shiny new office blocks and department stores.
A useful introduction to Uyghur culture, Urumqi certainly isn't the real Xinjiang deal. After a day wandering the streets, sampling numerous types of chuar (it 's amazing what you can cook on a barbecue) and lamian (Uyghur noodles), I boarded my hard sleeper train carriage for the 30-hour jaunt to Kashgar. Completed in 2000, the serpentine track between capitals new and old skirts the mammoth dunes of the Taklamakan proper to the south, and the service is plagued by sand storms, ferocious winds and frequent derailments.
I was overjoyed, after a quick glance into the bedlam of the hard seat carriage, that should we be derailed, I would at least be spending my time stretched out on a bed. As the dying desert sun imparted stunning hues of crimson and pink onto the eerie, jagged peaks sliding past the window, I fell asleep to the metronomic sound of my carriages stately progress, and the grunts, snores and wheezes of various traveling companions.
Kashgar, self-styled "crown jewel " of the Silk Route, sits at an altitude of 4,228 feet on the western edge of the Taklamakan. It has been an important trading centre for over two millennia, and merchants from neighboring Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Pakistan continue to fuel the city with impromptu street-corner negotiations, perpetual bazaars and back-room deals. Shifting geopolitics have re-opened lines of communication, and it 's not hard to visualize a new high-tech Silk Route extending across the region. Kashgar 's future appears firmly rooted in its celebrated past. Prior to the arrival of the Mongols (the great Genghis Khan occupied Kashgar in 1219), Islam first arrived in Kashgar by the tenth century CE. The city became such a centre of Islamic learning that one of the greatest Muslim scholars and lexicographers of the eleventh century, Mahmud al-Kashgari, was buried just outside of the city in Upal Village. Al-Kashgari compiled the first complete Turkish dictionary, which has been translated into 26 languages. Here, the early Muslims encountered strong Chinese, Persian, Turkic, and Indian influences, much of which can still be seen in the region 's art and architecture. Today, Kashgar train station is a glistening, marble-clad monolith connected to the city by an umbilical two-lane highway, freshly painted and totally empty. My battered taxi wheezed past the People 's Park, complete with its outsized statue of Mao (reportedly one of only three places in China still graced by the great leader), and pulled up at the appointed hotel. Despite the glowing neon and selection of shops from the usual Chinese chains, there was thankfully still an air of the exotic about this far-flung outpost. Grabbing my camera, I re-entered the stifling midday heat and immediately headed for Kashgar's old quarter.
Captivated by Kashgar
To enter the labyrinthine, jumbled mass of backstreets centered around Kashgar's dominating Id Kah mosque is to experience Uyghur life at its busiest and most authentic. Mud brick homes with ornate doorways jostle for space with quaint, diminutive mosques, shopfronts decorated with assorted cuts of mutton, and merchants plying their roadside trade. Groups of Uyghur men with sun-darkened, careworn faces and pristine white taqiyah (caps) sit on low stools, engaged in animated conversation, or gather round battered pool tables. Uyghur women in colorful headscarves and long dresses, occasionally veiled, walk arm-in-arm through the din and confusion, the epitomy of serenity and modesty. It's hard not to go a little photo-crazy in the midst of this cultural treasure trove of sights and smells. However, displaying a camera in Kashgar's old quarter is an open invitation to the hordes of loitering Uyghur children who naturally congregate around anyone looking remotely foreign. Blithely snapping away, I was quickly surrounded by a mass of highly photogenic kids, literally begging to be captured on film. Using surprisingly good English, my new found gaggle of friends quickly quizzed me on my nationality, occupation and marital status, and willingly arranged themselves at my discretion for a lengthy photoshoot which only ended when I dove for cover into a nearby teahouse. After a dinner of delicious dapanji (chicken, potatoes and noodles Uyghur-style) and a comfortable night's sleep in a stationary bed, I awoke early the next day ready to experience Kashgar's famed Sunday market. Once a week Kashgar's population swells by 50,000 as people from near and far flock to one of Asia's most incredible open markets. With the sun still low in the sky, I was carried along by a raucous crowd of pedestrians, horses, bikes, motorcycles, donkey carts, tractors, trucks and tuk-tuks to a massive outdoor maze of livestock pens and covered stalls on Kashgar's eastern periphery. The air was thick with dust as sheep, goats, camels, cows and donkeys mingled with buyers and sellers, and money was changing hands everywhere. Rugs and blankets, boots and clothing, fruit and vegetables, hardware and all manner of junk were on sale. To my right a market blacksmith was doing a brisk trade, and to my left a vendor of dogh (a local drink made from ice, syrup, yogurt and water) was rapidly quenching people's thirst. After a few unforgettable hours my memory card was full and my nose and eyes thoroughly clogged with dirt - it was time to head back to the hotel to wash, eat and plan the next leg of my journey, along the Karakoram Highway to Lake Karakul.
High Life on the Highway
As a feat of engineering, the Karakoram Highway is a triumph of man over nature (at least temporarily). It is the highest paved international road in the world, and follows a network of ancient trade routes linking Kashgar with the Pakistani capital, Islamabad. Along the way it crosses the Khunjerab Pass (4800m), otherwise known as the "Valley of Blood " - a reference to local bandits who took advantage of the terrain to plunder caravans and slaughter merchants. More blood was spilt during the 20 years it took to push level and blast the present 1300km highway through the mountains: over 400 road-builders died, and it didn 't take me more than a few hours in my hired taxi to see why. Lake Karakul is located in the snappily named Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture, and my Uyghur cabbie informed me it would be a five hour ride from Kashgar. Leaving the city, the imposing, snow-capped Pamir Mountains quickly swung into view, like silent sentinels guarding a hidden kingdom. After an hour barreling down an unmade road we halted at the village of Upal, taking a breather to inspect an interesting local cemetery behind the tomb of Mahmud Al-Kashgari. As I made my way between the multitude of crumbling, earthen headstones, I realized that this was the first proper graveyard I had seen in China, slowly merging with its surroundings as it suffered the vagaries of time and weather.
Continuing from Upal the highway began to climb, and the surrounding geology became increasingly spectacular. Flanking the road were massive sandstone cliffs, long-eroded and twisted by unseen natural forces. The subtle red, black and grey shades of these impressive rock formations were incredibly beautiful, and I found myself apologizing to the driver for incessant photo stops. Passing through the border checkpoint at Ghez, the road became even steeper, and the air noticeably cooler and moister. Gushing mountain torrents cascaded from mist-shrouded slopes to accompany the road, and huge boulders balanced precariously above us on overhanging crags.
As the road leveled out at the top of the incline, we entered a world of crystal clear pools and lakes, sweeping dunes and boulder-strewn plains, ringed by snowy peaks wreathed in heavy cloud. The highway was being reconstructed here, and camels and yaks vied with earth-moving equipment for space next to makeshift roadside dwellings. Clutching the wheel with one hand, my driver pointed out the twin summits of Kongur Shan (7719m) and Muztagh Ata (7546m), which cradle Lake Karakul in their vastness, and give the area a stunning backdrop. Enclosed by ice mountains, the still, translucent waters of Lake Karakul (literally "black water " in Kyrgyz) reflected their surroundings with startling clarity. Like a slow-moving film, the color of the water mirrored the sky above, bright blue and aquamarine hues merging with somber greys as dark cumulus scudded overhead. Spurning the overly commercial lakeside yurts, I made my way to a nearby Kyrgyz village, seeking accommodation. The ancestors of the Kyrgyz were probably European, and the fair skin and blue eyes of the villagers who took me in was initially quite startling. Subash enjoys the luxury of part-time electricity, and most inhabitants make their living from animal husbandry and the occasional sale of trinkets, jewelry and rugs to passing tourists. The spartan nature of my mud-brick living quarters was easily offset by the genuine warmth of my hosts, and every villager was keen to meet and greet me, despite the general lack of a common language. After an undisturbed afternoon 's lakeside horse riding, a night spent chatting and sipping yak butter tea with these delightful people was a fitting climax to my journey. Despite the changes that this region will undoubtedly undergo in the near future, I came away hoping that this special and remote corner of China would remain undeveloped for years to come.

Kadeer's US sponsor has ulterior motives

The National Endowment for Democracy's financial support to Xinjiang separatist organizations led by Rebiya Kadeer is a direct interference in China's internal affairs, says an article in Global Times.
Excerpt:
There is evidence to prove that the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) of the US has for years been sponsoring separatist activities in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, led by Rebiya Kadeer, chairman of World Uygur Congress (WUC). A staff in NED, who didn't want to be named, has said the NED plans to grant more than $500,000 to WUC this year.
Xinjiang separatist Kadeer has had close connections with the NED for a long time. In 2005, with the help of NED president Carl Gershman, Rebiya fled to the US after Xinjiang authorities released her on bail for medical treatment on the promise that she would never do anything against her motherland China. Later, she became president of the International Uygur Human Rights and Democracy Foundation (IUHRDF). Gershman also offered the initial funds to set up the foundation.
After the July 5 riots in Urumqi, two US congressmen advanced a proposal and pressured the US government to support Kadeer. It was Gershman again who introduced them to Kadeer.
Facts show the NED has been offering financial support to "East Turkistan" organizations operating from abroad since 2004. Till June 2009, it had given about $2.24 million to them.
The separatist organizations usually get the NED funds under two heads: directly sponsored "programs" or in the name of "private funding". Apart from supporting separatist activities, the funds have also been used on Washington political lobbyists as "political investment".
A Xinjiang official said the funds Kadeer got from the NED have been directly related to the troubles in the region.
An article in the Canadian think tank, Global Research, says Washington's interference in Xinjiang have nothing to do with human rights. Instead, it is aimed at the strategic importance of Xinjiang in economic and energy resources fields. These indicate that the US government wants to interfere in China's internal affairs by supporting Xinjiang separatist activities in the name of NED.

Rebiya Kadeer lies again

Rebiya Kadeer is a regular liar and a bald-faced one at that.
Addressing the National Press Club in Australia's capital Canberra on Tuesday, the chairwoman of the World Uyghur Congress (WUC) lied again, right to the reporters' faces.
Kadeer accused Chinese authorities of removing Uyghur-language lessons from schools and forcing the Uighurs to learn Chinese.
"I think the Chinese government should stop its invasive policy of single-language (Chinese) education and allow students and their parents to choose whatever language they aspire to learn," she said through an interpreter.
Interestingly though, Kadeer made her remarks in Uyghur, the language she would not have been able to speak should the Chinese government have deprived her of her right to learn it.
China, Kadeer said, has adopted "biased policies towards ethnic minorities" in the past 60 years, exploited the Uyghurs and pushed all of them into a "state of extreme poverty."
But she herself was once a "millionairess" in Xinjiang and stood as a strong testament to China's preferential policies toward ethnic minorities there.
Starting from a small business in the 1980s, Kadeer worked her way up to become the richest woman in Xinjiang before she broke Chinese law and was sentenced to jail.
Still, during her appearance at the press club, Kadeer continued to tell lies in a vain attempt to cover the bare facts and her separatist intentions.
Throughout her "speech," Kadeer called China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region "East Turkistan," and publicly proclaimed that Xinjiang was an "independent country" before 1949 and that Chinese troops "invaded" and "annexed" the region.
Books compiled by Western historians never said Xinjiang was an independent country before 1949, not to mention that there was no such ridiculous record of it in Chinese history.
Isn't it a pack of lies, then, for Kadeer to say she does not seek secession and independence?
Lies, even repeated a thousand times, remain lies. A clumsy liar draws the derision of those with discerning eyes, and each lie Kadeer tells will be a display of her true separatist nature.

A dull show by Rebiya Kadeer

On Saturday, 34 days after the July 5 riot in China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region that claimed 197 lives, a controversial documentary depicting Rebiya Kadeer, a notorious Chinese separatist, was screened at the Melbourne International Film Festival.
Kadeer, 62, was among the several hundred viewers at Melbourne Town Hall to watch the 53-minute "The 10 Conditions of Love."
The host at the screening had apparently expected praises and applauds at the end of the showing, but Kadeer appeared on the stage only to find that many in the audience had started to leave.
Allen and Dana, a couple who left the hall skipping the question-and-answer session, told Xinhua that they were not at all interested in what Kadeer would say after the screening.
They said they believed that Kadeer and her supporters intended to use the occasion to promote their views and influence.
Expressing deep disappointment, a university professor who identified herself as Catherine told Xinhua that the film was full of prejudices.
She said she had lived in China for two years and had been to Xinjiang, which enabled her to witness the great changes which have taken place in China and the huge progress in Xinjiang brought about by the Chinese government's preferential policies toward ethnic minorities there.
Rebiya Kadeer, with an education background of only elementary school, could not have been able to achieve her business success if she had not benefited from those policies, Catherine said.
Kadeer started from a small business in the 1980s and worked her way to the richest woman in Xinjiang. She had also been a delegate to the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference,
China's top political consultative body, before she was found leaking state secrets to overseas separatists.
Kadeer was given a lot of honor by the government, but the ungrateful woman in the end turned against the government, Catherine said, adding that it put a question mark on her integrity and credibility.
Freelance writer Linda told Xinhua while walking out of the hall that it was a poorly shot documentary among the nearly 200 films that were screened at the annual international festival in Melbourne.
She said she was here simply because issues concerning Xinjiang were hyped up recently in Australia by some media.
That did not mean she agreed with what Kadeer's biopic said, she added.
During the question-and-answer session, Kadeer was at one point stumped for words in response to a question about the July 5 violence.
A man from the audience who called himself David challenged Kadeer's assertion that she is an advocate of non-violence.
"I have stayed in China for three years... Personally I think China's ethnic policies do create opportunities for the people of all ethnic minorities in China," David said, adding that Kadeer was herself one of the beneficiaries.
He noted that the casualties of Han Chinese in the July 5 riot were much higher than those of Uygurs. How come the Chinese government suppressed ethnic minorities?
The question left Kadeer and the director speechless with embarrassment. After all, lies will collapse of themselves.
Kadeer is leader of the World Uygur Congress which is believed to be behind the deadly July 5 rioting in Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.
Seven Chinese films have been withdrawn from the 58th Melbourne International Film Festival in protest at the screening of Kadeer's biopic. The directors of the Chinese films have expressed strong condemnation against the festival's invitation of Kadeer.

Netizen blamed for Urumqi riot by spreading fake violence video

A netizen, who was believed to be a key member of the World Uygur Congress (WUC), was blamed by Chinese authorities for fanning ethnic confrontation that caused the deadly July 5 riot in Urumqi by spreading online a fake video about "a Uygur girl beaten to death".
The video, about a girl in red being beaten to death by a group of people using stones, was originally broadcast by the CNN in May, 2007, as something happened in the Mosul city of Iraq on April 7, 2007.
However, on July 3, 2009, the netizen, named "Mukadaisi", spread it on an Internet group of Uygurs on qq.com and said it was a Uygur girl beaten to death by the Han people.
Authorities said their investigations found that the man was a key member of the WUC in Germany and his fake video fanned ethnic confrontation and "added fuel to the fire".
In the Internet group, the man used extreme words to encourage Uygur people to "fight back with violence" and "repay blood with blood".

Xinjiang refutes Kadeer's '10,000 missing' claim

The claim by Rebiya Kadeer that more than 10,000 Uygurs disappeared in the wake of the July 5 riots, believed to have been arrested or killed, is groundless, a spokeswoman of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region told the Global Times yesterday in reaction to the World Uygur Congress (WUC) leader's speech during her visit to Japan.
Kadeer, accused by the Chinese government of being a separatist and masterminding the riots that left about 200 people dead and more than 1,600 injured, told a Tokyo press conference yesterday during the second day of her visit to Japan that nearly 10,000 people “disappeared in one night” following the riots in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang.
“If they are dead, where are their bodies? If they are detained, where are they?” she said.
Hou Hanmin, spokeswoman of the regional government, said the claim was so groundless that it was “not even worth a counter reaction.”
“If there were more than 10,000 missing, how many more of them would have taken part in the riot?” Hou asked.
According to an AP report shortly after the riot, “police showed up to disperse a crowd of between 1,000 and 3,000 demonstrators,” which is close to the estimates of reports by other media organizations, both Chinese and foreign.
Urumqi police yesterday announced that they had arrested 253 more suspects allegedly closely connected to the riots, following the initial arrests of 1,434 suspects by July 7, the Xinhua News Agency reported.
Police said most of the latest arrests were made from tip-offs provided by local residents, including one report in which a family of five burned to death after rioters locked the door of their store selling grain and edible oil and set it on fire.
“I felt uneasy for at least two nights. Once I closed my eyes, I would picture the scene of the raging fire shrouding the store,” a Uygur man who did not give his name told the police July 7. “I would never find peace if I didn't inform the police of it.”
Some of the suspects arrested earlier have been released after police found they did not commit serious crimes, Hou told the Global Times.
In response to a Global Times' inquiry as to how Kadeer set the number of disappeared at 10,000, Dilshat Rashit, spokesman for the US-based WUC, said the organization has been following the situation in Xinjiang via foreign reports.
“When Uygur women were interviewed by foreign media, they said more than 1,000 Uygurs were killed and nearly 10,000 were arrested,” he said. “As far as we know, the arrest of Uygurs is continuing, so there are definitely more than 10,000 arrested.”
Howevr, he didn't explain how those “Uygur women interviewed by foreign media” put the total number of those arrested.
He suggested that the United States, which “has always been concerned with China's religious and human rights issues,” take tougher measures against China, including economic sanctions.
Earlier in July, Mu-Card Deiss, a member of the WUC, circulated online a video clip of a “Uygur girl” being beaten to death.
“It was actually a piece edited from footage of a CNN video showing a girl killed in Iraq on April 7, 2007,” Xinhua pointed out.
Kadeer's remarks also backfired among Uygur residents in China. Rustan, manager of a Muslim restaurant at the Beijing Language and Culture University said, “When I was young, I just thought she was a very rich woman, and I admired her a lot. But I never expected that she would attack China with ridiculous remarks while staying overseas.”
He said he doesn't understand why Kadeer does all these “evil things” to China.
“We're all Chinese, and I don't want to follow what she's talking about,” he said.
Tuson Nizam, a Uygur from Kuqa County, Xinjiang, who now sells jade in Beijing, expressed his indignation at the riots, saying the Uygurs who participated in the riots are nothing but “lazy bones.”
“I treat all Han and Uygur people equally well, so they will treat me well in return,” he said.
The Foreign Ministry summoned Japan's ambassador in Beijing, expressing its “dissatisfaction” with Japan's treatment of Kadeer, believed to be a “criminal” by China.
Kadeer's visits to Australia and Japan have put those countries' ties with China to the test.
Yang Bojiang, a researcher at the Chinese Institute of Contemporary International Relations, said: “Kadeer's ‘separatist activities' would have an impact on the overall situation of China's relationship with the US, Japan and European countries.”

Kadeer's Japan visit draws public ire

Japan's foreign ministry downplayed yesterday the impact of Rebiya Kadeer's visit to Japan, contrary to the result of a poll conducted among Chinese online users.
As of late last night, 90.7 percent of almost 20,000 Web users polled at huanqiu.com said they believed bilateral ties would be negatively impacted by the visit of the leader of the World Uyghur Congress alleged to have plot the deadly Xinjiang riots.
Hu Ang, a leader of overseas Chinese students in Japan, said his peers were angered by Japan's permission of entry for the Uygur exile, which was believed to be “an interference in the internal affairs of China.” No protesting had been arranged to object though, Hu said, citing security concerns.
An official of Japan's foreign ministry, who asked to remain anonymous, however, told the Global Times yesterday that he was confident bilateral ties would not turn sour.
“The two countries have set up a strategic and mutually beneficial relationship, and there are broader fields to focus on. The visit by a civilian won't have a bad influence on bilateral relations,” the official said, noting that Japanese officials would not meet Kadeer during her visit.
“The visa was issued to Kadeer in accordance with Japanese domestic laws and following conventional procedures,” he said.
Kadeer arrived in Tokyo yesterday for a three-day visit to Japan and will hold a press conference today.
According to a notice on the website of the Japan Policy Institute, Kadeer will skip a speech at a symposium originally scheduled for tomorrow in Tokyo and head back to the US for a closed-door meeting Friday on the Urumqi riots of July 5 that killed nearly 200 people. The meeting was arranged by the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Kadeer's husband will instead chair the symposium in Tokyo and present a pre-recorded speech by Kadeer.
It is unknown whether it was the institute, mainly formed by Japan's right-wing hardliners, that issued the invitation to Kadeer to visit Japan. Kadeer's supporters said she would meet some members of Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party.
Japanese media reported that Kadeer was invited by some human rights activists but refused to reveal their identities. Tokyo-based Jiji Press suggested that Mizutani Naoko, a lecturer at Japan's Chuo University, is behind the invitation and will host the symposium.
Geng Xin, deputy director of the JCC Japan Research Institute, said the mystery surrounding who invited Kadeer reflects the lack of confidence in and the tension surrounding the debate.
The Chinese Foreign Ministry expressed its strong dissatisfaction Monday with the Japanese government's green light for Kadeer's visit, while Cui Tiankai, China's ambassador to Japan, hinted that the visit could harm relations between the two neighbors that have improved after years of diplomatic spats over World War II history.
The public is expecting the Chinese government to take a tougher stance on Japan. “The Chinese government should impose appropriate sanctions on the Japanese government. Otherwise, they will do it again,” a Web user wrote on huanqiu.com.
“How could a criminal of China become an honorable guest in Japan? Damn it! China should play hard in foreign policies,” another post said.
Kadeer, once a successful businesswoman in Xinjiang. has denied any involvement in the riots.
China has rarely commented on Kadeer's travels before. In November 2007, Kadeer visited Japan for the first time, invited by the Japan branch of Amnesty International. The Dalai Lama has also visited Japan more than 10 times, to preach his views about the “Tibet issue” and call on Japanese politicians to interfere in the matter.
Not knowing why China objects to Kadeer's visit, some Japanese claim that China is interfering with Japan's domestic affairs. Kondou, a 35-year-old IT engineer in Tokyo, said he didn't know about Kadeer until he read online reports.
Liu Jiangyong, a professor of International Relations at the Institute of International Studies of Tsinghua University, argued that it is necessary to strengthen public diplomacy to enhance awareness of the truth of Urumqi's violent incident in Japanese society, which may find it hard to understand the complicated ethnic issue as a homogeneous society.
“Foreign diplomacy is an art. In addition to formal statements by the government, the media and non-governmental organizations should also play an important role in the campaign against separatist groups,” Liu said. “Warning Japan with economic or political measures on this issue is neither wise nor effective.”
Liu Junhong, a researcher at the Institute of Japanese Studies at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, said Kadeer's visit is just a minor action under a broader strategy of the Japanese authorities to contain China's development.
“What they want to see is the price that China has to pay and the failure of China in its effort to focus all resources on development,” Liu said.
These actions deserve attention, but China needn't respond to each and every trick by Japan, Liu added.
“China is capable of leading regional cooperation and heading the establishment of the world's system,” Liu said.

Chinese web users worry Kadeer's visit will jeopardize Sino-Japan tie

Over 85 percent of online voters are concerned about Sino-Japanese relations after the Japanese government granted a visa to Uygur dissident leader Rebiya Kadeer, who is believed to be the mastermind of the July 5 Xinjiang riots.
According to a report from Japan's Jiji press, Kadeer will appear at a press conference at the Japan National Press Club on Wednesday and later address the Japanese public.
In a poll conducted by huanqiu.com that began on the morning of July 27, 90 percent of voters (15,301 votes) by 3 pm on July 28 agreed to the question "Do you think Kadeer's visit to Japan will affect Sino-Japanese relations?" Seven percent of voters (1,182 votes) disagreed. Three percent (507 votes) showed no interest in the question.
"How can the Japanese government grant her a visa?" an anonymous web user commented on this poll. "I wonder what kind of government it is that expands its overseas military force on the excuse of combating terrorism while inviting such a terrorist into its own territory. It seems some western countries do not practice what they preach."
Another Internet user suggested that China should impose trade sanctions against Japan. "Countries like Japan never take into consideration the sentiments of the Chinese people. Why should we care about their feelings?"
During an interview with Japan's Kyodo News Agency on July 27, Cui Tiankai, Chin's ambassador to Japan, said, "If other countries invited a criminal who plotted violence and inflicted great casualties on Japan, how would Japanese citizens feel? I hope the Japanese government could put itself into China's shoes." He added that China takes a very clear stand and he has called on Japanese related departments to pay attention to it.
With regards to whether Kadeer's visit will jeopardize Sino-Japanese relations, Cui said, "There are many important things for the two governments to do, namely how to cope with the financial crisis together, how to reach reconciliation over the Korean peninsula and how to maintain and step up a strategic and mutually beneficial relationship between the two countries. We should not allow some separatist to stand in the way of the two countries' development and destroy our common interests."

China's EU ambassador writes article to reveal truth about riot in Xinjiang

Chinese Ambassador and head of China's mission to the EU Song Zhe recently wrote an article to reveal the truth about the July 5 Urumqi violence in China's Xinjiang and rebut forcefully against distorted reports by some European media about the incident.
His article, entitled as "What Europe should understand about the violence in Urumqi" and with a sub-title as "Behind the brutality in China", was published by the European Voice. Here is the article:
Slashed flesh, cracked heads, slit throats, charred bodies were littering the streets. These were the scenes in Urumqi on 5 July. There were also buses burnt down to their frames and shops smashed to rubbles, but I will not dwell on these acts of lesser villainy.
By slaying 192 men and women of Han, Uighur and Hui ethnicity, the perpetrators of the recent violence in Urumqi, the capital of the Xinjiang region, staged an inhumane act of terror and committed crimes of savage brutality.
There is now evidence that this fanatical assault on innocent civilians was orchestrated by a separatist clique based outside China and organised by its branches inside the country.
Many of the assailants, after being captured by law-enforcement officials, were found to have flocked to the capital of Xinjiang from the south of the territory, a thousand miles away.
Before the incident, separatists based overseas issued calls for action - "without fear of sacrifice" - by internet or over the phone.
Does a conspiracy of such bloodthirstiness not warrant condemnation and a counter-strike? Is the effort by the Chinese government to restore social order not justified and worthy of the support of every just man and woman?
The Chinese people therefore naturally expected such condemnation and support from Europe. Many other countries sent such messages. We based that expectation on the knowledge that the spirit of humanism - and its compassion for life and peace - has been cherished in Europe since the Enlightenment.
It was beyond our comprehension that anyone, in the face of the bloody atrocities in Urumqi, could look on nonchalantly as lives were lost, while voicing concerns energetically about the rights of criminals caught red-handed.

Europe's largely insouciant reaction is, I believe, partly the result of what, to our people, seemed outrageously lopsided reporting. In the aftermath of the incident, the European media focused mostly on the wailing of Uighur women, armed police on patrol and on the paltering of Rebiya Nadeer, a Uighur businesswoman jailed by the Chinese authorities in 2000 for endangering China's security. They also showed their rhetorical skills, leading to clichéd accusations about an absence of human rights in China.
I will not waste words here disputing this senseless stereotype. Here, I will ask only this: what about the rights of those slain, hospitalized, bereaved and dispossessed?
While it is a sense of frustration that has prompted me to write, fury at lopsided reporting has led my fellow citizens to pour out their feelings on the internet. Some say they will never again have any confidence in the Western media.
A similar sentiment prompted 350 people to post a protest against distorted reporting on a bulletin board at the Urumqi News Center, an ad hoc facility set up by the Chinese authorities to assist foreign correspondents.
Reading Chinese blogs, which are unfortunately rendered inaccessible to European readers by language barriers, I found many moving stories of Han and Uighur people helping each other escape the thugs.
For example, two Uighur men protected with their bodies a police officer who had been knocked out, fending off not only bottles and stones, but also a looter who attempted to grab the officer's watch.
Checking out online surveys, I found 98 percent support for harsh punishment of the culprits and for the World Uighur Congress, of which Nadeer is president, to be labeled a terrorist group.
How I wish our European friends could gain such an unfiltered sense of the pulse of public opinion back in China.
However, neither sinister schemes nor slanders will prevent Xinjiang from moving forward.
The concerted efforts of all 47 ethnic groups in Xinjiang and the support of the whole Chinese nation will build a better future for the region.
An economy that is growing at a double-digit rate, numerous and large-scale construction projects, multi-lingual education and publications, 23,000 mosques in which to practise the Muslim religion, an administration in which more than half the civil servants come from ethnic minorities: these are among the reasons why Xinjiang will keep forging ahead, towards greater prosperity and harmony, and why it will remain a vibrant member of the Chinese family.
I believe that, like us, most Europeans wish the best for Xinjiang. I hope the torment and tragedy we witnessed this month will never happen again. I also hope people outside China will never again be misinformed in this way.

Piercing through Rebiya's veil

Once again, Rebiya Kadeer is attempting to paint the Chinese government as a cruel repressor of the Uygurs, who she says suffered "decades of economic, social and religious discrimination, together with the widespread execution, torture and imprisonment."
In an article published by the British newspaper Guardian, Rebiya compared the Uygurs experience in China in the past 60 years and the experience of African-Americans in the United States before 1955.
But these two are, in Rebiya's own words, "half a world" apart and incomparable.
In the case of the pre-1955 US, African-Americans had to sit in the back of the bus, something Rebiya mentioned as an example of the discrimination suffered by the group.
However, in no way have the Uygurs experienced these kinds of things, or any similar discrimination. Anyone who does not believe this can just go around China and will see the Hans and the Uygurs rubbing shoulders with each other, especially in Xinjiang.
Rebiya also claimed that decades of economic discrimination has resulted in "anger and despair" among the Uygurs. But if that is the case, how did she herself manage to become a millionaire?
The truth is that the Chinese government has offered a wide range of preferential treatment to the Uygurs, as well as other ethnic minorities, especially in employment opportunities. The government has instituted rules that require all institutions in Xinjiang to recruit at least a fixed percent of Uygurs and other ethnic minorities in their staff. Preferential treatment is also granted when it comes to starting their own businesses and in tax policies.
Moreover, to better prepare the Uygurs and other non-Han ethnic groups for work, the State has made it easier for them to be educated. For example, they get 20 guaranteed extra points when taking part in the national college entrance examination.
In fact, this policy arrangement has roused some resentment among the Han. Some go so far as to try to change their ethnic status to get the extra points themselves. That situation is best illustrated by what happened this summer in Chongqing, where a high school graduate, among 31 other Han students, lied about his ethnic status. He was discovered, however, and deprived of the opportunity to enter the college this year in spite of his actual top rank in the whole region.
Therefore, Rebiya's finger-pointing is unfair, and the Chinese government should get some credit for what has been done for the non-Hans.

In her Guardian article, the exiled Uygur woman also accused Beijing of misrepresenting the Shaoguan incident and the Urumqi riots by covering up the deaths of many Uygurs. But all that she could point to were so-called "witness accounts," which, of course, were unverified.
Rebiya blamed the Chinese government for her inability to verify these eyewitness accounts in Xinjiang, because she said "communications have been virtually cut off." But if that was really the case, then how could "numerous residents" have told her about the "deaths of hundreds of Uighurs?"
It is also known that after what happened in Urumqi on July 5, hundreds of overseas journalists have gone to Xinjiang. Does this constitute "a lack of transparency?"
An examination of her "witness accounts" in the Shaoguan incident is also needed. Why hasn't she checked the "witness accounts" since there should be no cut-off in communications? Does she know the names of the alleged victims? Getting those names would not be very difficult if what she claimed really happened, as the Uygur workers are relatively small in number.
Even Rebiya and her World Uygur Congress (WUC) admitted the details of the incident were unsubstantiated and filled with allegations and dubious reports, according to American-German freelance journalist F. William Engdahl's article, the hidden agenda behind Xinjiang violence (click for the article).
But that did not prevent the Munich arm of the WUC from issuing a worldwide call for protest demonstrations against Chinese embassies.
Another accusation that Rebiya made against the Chinese government is that they are "using anti-Uighur anger to shore up its own legitimacy". But that can't be true. What the Chinese government is worried about most is continuing or escalating violence which is sure to ensue if the officials are really taking advantage of the anti-Uygur anger.
Actually, what many people have seen is the government working to promote ethnic unity by broadcasting videos and pictures of the Hans and the Uygurs living harmoniously together. Ubiquitous in Urumqi or other parts of Xinjiang are huge red banners calling for ethnic harmony.
What also exposed Rebiya's hypocrisy was the fact that while her article was full of alleged atrocities committed by the Chinese government on the Uygurs, the so-called human rights fighter did not mention a word about the victims in the Urumqi riots, except the hollow words of "I in no way endorse any of the violent acts" and "I am absolutely opposed to all violence."
Does she really care about human rights? If she does, why not call on her followers to stop violence? Maybe she is just using human rights as an excuse to achieve her hidden agenda.

WUC requests support from Dalai Lama

The office of the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala, India, denied yesterday that it had received a request from the US-based World Uyghur Congress (WUC) seeking cooperation, a response that Chinese experts said would be indicative of the Dalai Lama's reluctance to be connected with the organization believed behind the riots in Xinjiang.
Alim Seytoff, a WUC spokesman, called on the Dalai Lama this week in a letter to cooperate with the group in a “global action” against the Chinese government on behalf of WUC President Rebiya Kadeer, according to Taiwan's Central News Agency (CNA), which said it received a copy of the letter from the Dalai Lama's office in New Delhi.
This is the first time that the WUC has explicitly said it hoped to obtain support and cooperation from the Dalai Lama since the July 5 riots in Urumqi, the report said.
However, Tenzin Taklha, a spokesman for the Dalai Lama's office, told the Global Times by phone yesterday that his office hadn't received such a letter from the WUC.
Taklha declined to say whether the exiled Tibetans would show support to the WUC. “We are dedicated to seeking mutually agreeable solutions,” he said.
Pan Zhiping, a senior researcher at the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times yesterday that the Dalai Lama may fear that closer ties with the WUC would have a negative impact on his reputation and influence in the West.
Western governments have been largely muted in response to the riots in Urumqi, and that is because the Uygurs “lack a charismatic figure such as the Dalai Lama to lead them,” according to a report in the Canadian newspaper Globe and Mail.
The report noted that the United States has adopted a mild tone, with President Barack Obama merely asking all parties in Xinjiang “to exercise restraint.”
The European Union said that the violence in Xinjiang “is a Chinese issue, not a European issue.” Serge Abou, the EU's ambassador to China, noted that Europe has its own problems with minorities, and “we would not like other governments to tell us what is to be done.”
Pan said that Kadeer hoped to take advantage of the influence of the Dalai Lama, the so-called Tibetan spiritual leader, to disguise the WUC as a fighter for peace and human rights, and to win international recognition and support.
Kadeer met the Dalai Lama for the first time in 2005, soon after she fled to the US after being released on bail for medical treatment.
And on July 19, 2007, Dailai and Kadeer met for 45 minutes in Hamburg, Germany.
A WUC spokesman said that campaigning in the same city with the Dalai Lama would increase the international recognition of the “Uygur problem” on that occasion.
When they met again in another campaign at the MCI Center in Washington, DC, on March 19, 2008, several days after the March 14 incident in Tibet, Kadeer expressed her support for the Dalai Lama and his group.
Pan said there is no doubt that “the two groups of separatists have always had links and will continue to secretly work together.”
Such a view was echoed by Chinese government officials. Qin Gang, foreign ministry spokesman, said at a regular press briefing Tuesday that Kadeer and the Dalai Lama have one thing in common, “They are both engaged in activities of splitting China and undermining national unity.”
Pan doubted that the Dalai Lama would show support to the WUC, at least openly, given that the riots in Urumqi caused indignation among the Chinese public.
“The terroristic nature of the WUC was fully displayed in the July 5 deadly riots, which targeted helpless civilians,” Pan said. “Even other separatist groups do not want to be compared with the WUC.”

Urumqi riot was preplanned, reports say

The riots in Urumqi, capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, were “designed to ignite violence,” the Xinhua News Agency reported yesterday.
People involved “appeared to have prepared weapons in the days leading up to the unrest,” it said.
On July 5, protests began simultaneously in more than 50 locations, targeting government institutions, news organizations, armed police stations, private residences and people, the Xinjiang Publicity Security Bureau claimed.
The rioters also damaged the public transport system, setting fire to 28 buses and damaging 255, the Urumqi Public Transportation Company said.
The rioters had prepared many weapons such as sticks and stones, and took action in various places at the same time, Nur Bekri, chairman of the Xinjiang government claimed in an interview with foreign reporters Saturday.
Police officers shot 12 rioters on the night of July 5, after firing guns into the air had “no effect” on the “extremely vicious thugs.”
“The police showed as much restraint as possible. Many of them were injured and one was killed,” he said.

Al-Qaeda claims revenge of Uygur deaths in Xinjiang riot

An Al-Qaeda branch in North Africa is claiming revenge on China for the deaths of Uygurs in the deadly July 5 violence in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.
It also claimed it would attack over 50,000 Chinese workers in Algeria and Chinese projects in North Africa.At a regular press conference on July 14, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Qin Gang said the Chinese government is firmly opposed to terrorism of any form. He added the Chinese government will continue to pay close attention to the situation and strengthen cooperation with other countries to ensure the security of Chinese citizens and companies overseas.

China urges other countries to stop funding "East Turkistan terrorists"

China on Tuesday strongly demanded that unnamed "relevant countries" stop their support for "East Turkistan terrorists" in the wake of the Urumqi riots.
"We firmly opposes any support for the 'three forces' by any foreign countries or overseas organizations and demand they immediately cease the support," said Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang at a regular news briefing.
The "three forces" are separatism, terrorism and extremism.
Qin said a large amount of evidence showed the "three forces" at home and abroad never ceased activities to sabotage China's national security and that "relevant countries" had provided them support and funding.
Qin did not elaborate on the "relevant countries."
But U.S. State Department spokesman Ian Kelly confirmed at a press conference on Monday that a U.S. organization had provided funding for the World Uygur Congress led by Rebiya Kadeer, which the Chinese believe was behind the Urumqi riots and a series of protests at Chinese embassies worldwide.
"I do know that her organization does receive funds from the National Endowment for Democracy, which receives its funds from Congress," Kelly said.
The deadly July 5 riot in Urumqi, capital of northwestern Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, has left at least 184 dead.
"We strongly demand that these countries should immediately stop their funding and support to the 'three forces' in any form," Qin said.
Qin said that the measures the Chinese government had taken to deal with the July 5 riots were not targeted at any ethnic group or religion and called on the Muslim countries to see the "truth" of the incident.
"If they realize the truth, they will understand China's ethnic and religious policies and the measures the Chinese government has taken to deal with the incident," Qin said.
Qin said China and Muslim countries had forged relationships of mutual respect and support. "The relationships will move forward on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, particularly mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit."
Qin reiterated that China firmly opposed terrorism in any form and would work with other countries to jointly combat terrorism and safeguard the security of Chinese personnel and organizations abroad.

'East Turkistan' a concept forged by separatists

The term "Turkistan" appeared in Arabic geographical works in the Middle Ages. It meant "the region of the Turks" and referred to the areas north of the Sir River in Central Asia and the adjoining areas to the east of the river. As time went by, the modern ethnic groups in Central Asia rose one after another and divided up the area. By the 18th century, the geographical term of "Turkistan" hardly appeared in the historical records of the time.
In the early 19th century, imperialist powers during their colonial expansion into Central Asia revived the geographical term "Turkistan". In 1805, Timkovsky, a Russian, used the term "Turkistan" again in a diplomatic mission's report. He called the Tarim Basin in China's Xinjiang as "East Turkistan" or "Chinese Turkistan."
Meanwhile, the British were trying to stop Russia from expanding its influence into South Asia. British historian E. Victor Gordon Kiernan wrote in his book - British diplomacy in China, 1880 to 1885 - that the British Indian Department even suggested that an "independent" Xinjiang friendly to Britain but hostile to Russia would serve as a "buffer" between the two colonial powers.
In the early 20th century and later, a small number of separatists and religious extremists in Xinjiang, influenced by the overseas religious extremism and national chauvinism, politicized the idea of "East Turkistan" and fabricated the history of "East Turkistan", which had not even existed.
They incited all ethnic groups speaking Turki and believing in Islam to join hands to create a theocratic state. They clamored for "opposition to all ethnic groups other than Turks" and for the "annihilation of pagans".
From the early 20th century to the late 1940s, the "East Turkistan" forces created many disturbances with the support of hostile foreign forces. There were also several attempts at separating parts from Xinjiang for an "East Turkistan", but all failed to win substantial local public support.
Since the peaceful liberation of Xinjiang along with the founding of New China, the tiny group of separatists who had fled abroad from Xinjiang collaborated with those at home, and looked for opportunities to carry out activities with the support of international forces that try to divide China.
In the 1990s, influenced by religious extremism, separatism and international terrorism, part of the "East Turkistan" forces both inside and outside China brought terror and violence into their activities to split Xinjiang away from China. These included explosions, assassinations, arsons, poisonings and assaults, seriously jeopardizing the lives, property and security of the Chinese people of various ethnic groups, and social stability in Xinjiang, and posing a threat to the security and stability of the countries and regions concerned.
After the September 11 terror attacks on the US, the voices calling for an international anti-terrorist struggle and cooperation have become louder. So the "East Turkistan" forces have raised the issues of "human rights", "freedom of religion" and "interests of ethnic minorities" to try to dodge the War on Terror and mislead world opinion.

Seeking the 'black hand' behind the Xinjiang terror

Nearly a week after the deadly riot bruised Urumqi and sent residents fleeing its major streets, it was quite a relief to see people gradually return to normal life.
The first weekend after last Sunday's riot seemed peaceful in Urumqi, with residents strolling in downtown parks with their families, banks reopening after a five-day business suspension and business owners looking to the future.
Some people began holding funeral rites for the dead, while soldiers in riot gear stood guard nearby.
A group of photos filed by my colleagues in Urumqi Saturday showed snow white pigeons, the symbol for peace, struttiug in a square near the city's major bazaar.
In one of them, a woman was crouching, reaching out an arm to stroke one of the birds while a baby rested in her other arm. From the looks in their eyes I read yearning for life as it is.
Canadian teacher Josph Kaber said he sensed tension when some Uygur-run stores on the campus of Xinjiang University were closed after Sunday's riot. "The very next day, young couples were seen strolling by the artificial lake again, and I knew things were getting better."
Shock and terror
But for those bereft of their beloved ones in last Sunday's riot, the worst to have hit the Uygur autonomous region in six decades, the trauma would probably take a lifetime to heal.
Chinese people customarily think the seventh day after death is an important occasion for families and friends to mourn the deceased.
Now on the eve of this special mourning day, as shock and terror at the bloodshed give way to anguished quest for the cause of the tragedy, we all feel their grief and are ourselves eager to find out the black hand behind the terror.
It is not surprising that Rebiya Kadeer is in the spotlight. If not for what happened in Urumqi last Sunday, most Chinese people would know little of the former businesswoman who built a fortune in Urumqi and became a rising star in the country's political arena, got jailed for stealing national secrets, and fled to the United States in 2005.
People continued to bombard Kadeer Saturday: Some said the World Uygur Congress leader was seeking to become a Dalai Lama much needed by "East Turkestan," while others mocked her photo with the exiled Tibetan monk.
In an interview with Xinhua Saturday, former chairman of Xinjiang's regional government Ismail Amat said the woman was "scum" of the Uygur community and was not entitled to represent the Uygur people.
For most people, the Uygur woman's profile was blurry, stuck in the dilemma of her rags-to-riches legend and her separatist, sometimes terrorist, attempts.
Kadeer took advantage of China's reform and opening up policy to build her fortune, but ended up building connections with East Turkestan terrorists and selling intelligence information to foreigners.
"Peaceful" protest?
When the rioters in Urumqi's streets, in an outrageous demonstration of violence, slaughtered innocent civilians and left thousands fleeing or moaning in agony, the "spiritual mother of the Uygur people" touted by East Turkestan terrorists insisted they were "peaceful protesters."
To illustrate her point, Kadeer ironically showed a photo in a Tuesday interview with Al Jazeera, which later proved to have been cropped from a Chinese news Website on an unrelated June 26 protest in Shishou in central Hubei Province.
Until Friday, she was still spreading rumors in an interview with AP, most of which centered on what she called "Chinese brutality".
As I read this I recalled vividly a text message a friend sent me via cell phone from Urumqi shortly after the riot.
"I feel like crying," wrote the man of 26, "to see the mobs beating up and killing the innocent, and setting fire to vehicles and stores ... I hate myself for not being able to do anything to stop them. Even a police officer is crying."

Woman behind Xinjiang riot caught self-contradictory

Denying their role in the bloodbath in Urumqi that killed 184, a woman in exile and her Washington D.C.-based organization were busy before and after the tragic killings.
Rebiya Kadeer, 62, chairwoman of the World Uygur Congress (WUC) that has close contact with terrorist organizations, was found making phone calls before the riot to her brother in Xinjiang to "predict" that "something big would happen." And after the riot, she was busy meeting the international press.
But very too often, Kadeer was caught self-contradictory when making accusations against the Chinese government and disseminating "unconfirmed" reports from anonymous sources.
While repeatedly grumbling about the government's shutdown on telephone lines and Internet access and soliciting international pressure for transparency, she boldly asserted "hundreds of Uygurs are now dead" based on her alleged contacts from capital of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.
One significant source of her is "within East Turkestan," a hotbed of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) which was listed in 2002 by the US State Department as a terrorist organization. And the WUC was formed by two organizations, one of which was the Uygur Youth Congress, also labeled a terrorist organization.
In a Tuesday interview with Al Jazeera, Kadeer showed a testimonial photo which purported to show "peaceful Uygur protesters" in Urumqi and how they were treated by the police. The photo was later found to be cropped from a Chinese news website image on an unrelated June 26 protest in Shishou, Hubei Province.
Another enlarged photo held by members of the World Uygur Congress in front of the Chinese Embassy in Ankara, Turkey, after the riot to expose street violence, however, was just a traffic accident scene from May 15 thousands of kilometers away in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province.
The WUC and Kadeer should have been very meticulous about such important image "evidence" intended to accuse the Chinese government of "rampant atrocity."
Besides these, the WUC went on to author a lengthy opinion piece with Kadeer bylined on the Wall Street Journal in English on July 8, criticizing the rule of the central government in Xinjiang and appealing to outside forces to intervene in this domestic

Just as they could have expected, the article became an instant hit. But to their dismay, they were also exposed to the scrutiny of millions of international readers.
One of the nearly 100 comments posted on the newspaper's webpage found that the accusation against China's ethnic policy does not hold water at all, because Kadeer has been one of the primary beneficiary of the policy itself, and her past was, paradoxically, something of an American dream, albeit played out in China.
Kadeer built her business empire within just one decade, from stall-keeper to millionaire. She was once comfortable with participating in the governmental establishment that she later harshly criticized. She enjoyed the celebrity status of being the richest Uygur woman and served a member of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC).
A post by "Benchi Sun" said that the fact that she had 11 children (others said 6) confirms that Uygurs are not subject to China's one child policy; her life story in China proves that Uygurs in China are not excluded from political life, nor deprived of the opportunity to thrive economically.
The World Uygur Congress, of which Kadeer is president, also urged Uygurs, many having connections with the ETIM, in cities across the world to attack Chinese embassies and consulates. Four violent Uyghur protesters who pelted stones on the Chinese embassy in The Hague on Monday have been sentenced to one week in prison, Dutch media reported Thursday.
While eulogizing the US as having "always spoken out on behalf of the oppressed," Kadeer urged the country, in the Wall Street Journal article, to intervene.
However, Kadeer was quickly reminded by another post entry that she had been arrested in China "because she provided funding to Eastern Turkestan and carried out activities in China following instructions from Eastern Turkestan," which is labeled a terrorist organization by most countries including the United States, Russia and China.
The discredited Kadeer surely loves the spotlight and photo-op, but she should also bear in mind that greater publicity may do her more harm than good, if she keeps telling lies.

Witnesses tell details of Monday's shooting in Urumqi

An imam of a mosque in Urumqi, capital of Xinjiang, said Tuesday that the three Uygur men — two shot dead and one was injured on Monday — had been attempting to instigating prayers and attacking a security guard.
The imam, who said on condition of anonymity that about 150 Muslims were having a Monday prayer from 2:30 p.m. to 3 p.m. in the mosque on Jiefang South Road, when one of the men stood up and tried to grab the speaker from the imam. But he was stopped.
Minutes later, the man stood up again, holding a green banner and shouting calls for "jihad". He also asked the prayers to follow him, the imam said.
The imam said he decided to end the religious ritual and told the man "We will definitely not follow you. Get out!" No prayers at the scene showed any sign of intention to go with the man, the imam added.
When the imam called for driving the man out of the mosque, two men, who later proved to be his partners, took out three knives about 50 cm long from a bag and tried to force the prayers to follow them.
Security guards of the mosque immediately came over to stop the mobs. One of the Uygur guards in his forties, who also spoke on condition of anonymity, said he was starting to run with frightened prayers, in an attempt to lead the mobs away.
The mobs ran after him out of the mosque and down the road, wielding the knives, until they were stopped by patrolling police.
The police were forced to shoot at the men after they fired warning shots in a failed attempt to stop them from attacking the guard. Two died at the scene and the injured person was rushed to the People's Hospital.

Rebiya Kadeer's funding sources

Although Rebiya Kadeer failed to win the Nobel Peace Prize that she had dreamed of, some anti-China forces found what they had been seeking.
In 2005, Rebiya fled to the US after being released on bail for medical treatment and now lives in Fairfax, Virginia, south of Washington DC. Before going abroad, she had repeatedly promised the Chinese government that she would never participate in any activity that might jeopardize national security.
Once she arrived in the US however, she has been committed to "Xinjiang independence" activities. In the same year, she founded the US-based International Uyghur Human Rights and Democracy Foundation (IUHRDF). In 2006, she became president of the Uyghur American Association (UAA) and was elected as president of the World Uyghur Congress (WUC) at its Second General Assembly in the same year.
As soon as Rebiya arrived in the US, the "renowned" National Endowment for Democracy (NED) came to visit her, expressing a willingness to offer financial support. The sponsor behind the foundation is the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
It has been disclosed that the NED annually grants 200,000 USD to the UAA. In 2007, East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) organizations, including the WUC and IUHRDF led by Rebiya, received a total of 520,000 USD of financial support from the NED.
In addition, some anti-China US congressmen have become guests of honor for Rebiya, and frequently invited her to deliver speeches at the so-called "Congressional Human Rights Caucus Meeting."
Even former president George W. Bush met with Rebiya twice in 2007 and 2008 prior to the Beijing Olympics, calling her a freedom warrior. Members of the CIA often disguised as reporters and non-government organization (NGO) volunteers expressed their concerns to her, keeping close touch with her on the issue of ETIM prisoners at Guantanamo Bay.
Since the beginning of 2009, the WUC had prepared for its third General Assembly, which also received support from American congressmen and the NED.
Rebiya once said they would plan some penetration and sabotage activities at the third General Assembly targeting the grand celebration for the 60th anniversary of the People's Republic of China; and formulate a plan of "three phases for Xinjiang independence in 50 years."
The WUC website impressively showed that the WUC Third General Assembly was unexpectedly held in the South Congressional Meeting Room with the participation of nearly 10 US congressmen. Most of these congressmen are veteran anti-China politicians.
On the second day following the July 5 incident, Rebiya made a speech at a press conference held at the National Press Club, saying that the Chinese government's accusations were "completely false." However, the club is an institution under the US Department of State.
Some US-based media have also become a "megaphone" for Rebiya. On June 1, US-based WPFW Pacifica radio interviewed Rebiya, in which she even claimed that historically, Tibet and Xinjiang were not part of China, and stated that "repression, imprisonment, and executions" in Xinjiang "had actually increased dramatically since 9/11."
She claimed that the best way to make the outside world understand the situation in Xijiang was to inform foreign officials, especially those of the US, "Because they had always been very concerned with the human rights situation in China. The Uyghur people always have this strong faith in the United States."
The New York Times disclosed on April 23 that Rebiya had said, "Politicians and human rights organizations from all over the world were active on behalf of Tibet. The conditions in the Uyghur nation were much the same. But interest from abroad in the two...could not have been more dissimilar." Rebiya also tried to smear China by writing articles for the Washington Post, attempting to gain sympathy from the West by means of the so-called pursuit of democracy and human rights.

August 14, 2009

Rebiya Kadeer

Rebiya Kadeer was born in 1951 in Xinjiang. After reforming and opening-up in the late 1970s, she rented a shop to start her business. Her successes as a businesswoman earned her the local nickname "the millionaires" and became a member of the 8th Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.

In March 2000, Rebiya Kadeer was sentenced to eight years in prison by the Xinjiang Intermediate Court for providing national intelligence to overseas organizations. During her imprisonment, she requested to be released on medical parole. Local judicial departments agreed on humanitarian grounds.
On March 11, 2005, Rebiya Kadeer went to the US on medical parole. Upon her release, she promised never to do anything that harms national interests.
In August 2005, CPC Politburo member and Xinjiang Regional Party Secretary Wang Lequan told the press that Rebiya Kadeer didn't keep her promise. She was colluding with leaders of terrorist, secessionist, extremist, and criminal organizations. She was organizing and plotting activities that aim to split China. She also asked her childrren to liquidate their assets and transfer the money to an offshore account and settled the children overseas.

Unveiled Rebiya Kadeer: a Uighur Dalai Lama

Rebiya Kadeer, presiding over the 'World Uighur Congress' and the 'Uighur American Association,' denied the accusation of masterminding the July 5th Urumqi bloody riots. But what she did, in her so-called exile since 2005, has manifested as clear as daylight that she is an ironclad separatist colluding with terrorists and Islamic extremists and an instigator unceasingly fanning unrest among her followers within and outside of China.
The 58-year-old Kadeer is likened to the Dalai Lama, and the comparison grew more apt when she strived for Nobel Peace Prize, following in the footsteps of the Dalai Lama, who has been revered by Kadeer as the spiritual tutor. Like the Dalai Lama, Ms. Kadeer is also fully cognizant of the importance of P.R. endeavors in a bid to rally the international support. For all these years, she has devoted herself to globe-trotting and lobbying around for the 'rights and interests of the Uighurs.' And in the process, like the Dalai Lama, she is also clad in the religious garment in an attempt to convince others she is just decrying the 'stricture' carried out by the Chinese central government upon the Uighurs and their religion, but whatever she is pushing for, she insisted, is strictly confined to 'peaceful demonstration.'
Most ridiculously, the so-called 'peaceful demonstration' was staged on the Urumqi streets in the form of the most inhumane atrocities too horrible to look at. However, the Kadeer group abroad quickly washed clean themselves pleading ignorance of the beating, smashing, looting and burning incidents which have so far claimed 156 innocent civilian lives, and even recalibrated their gun muzzle toward the Chinese government chiding it for using the same template of accusations as it did in the Mar.14th Lhasa riots. Perhaps, it is none other than Rebiya Kadeer herself who knows fully well why it is so-- simply because she did as much, or more than, as the Dalai Lama and his clique to sow resentment among the ethnic Uighur people and instigate their discontent and hatred toward the government and other ethnic groups, while disregarding the fact that China's Xinjiang Autonomous Region enjoys a time-honored history as a civilized settlement with different ethnic groups living in a compact community and harmony.
Mud is mud, as the old saying goes. When Kadeer made a sensational phone call to her followers in Xinjiang on the very bloody day instructing them to mobilize the local outlaws to launch 'something more courageous and even bigger,' and when she drew upon the Internet in the days gone by to wide spread her separatist ideas and encourage sacrifice of the Uighurs for the 'Independence of East Turkistan,' the true color of a separatist has been thoroughly unveiled. And when, on July 5th and in the apparently preempted and premeditated plot which quickly spiraled into a tragic riot, a baby boy was witnessed smashed to death by a stray brick in his mother's arms, innocent passers-by were mutilated by choppers and swards wielded by the outlaws, and a lot more people were put out of business as their premises and lifework were destroyed within the horrifying three hours, the ferocious terrorist nature of Rebiya Kadeer group has been completely unmasked.
Rebiya Kadeer, in the pursuit of her dream of Nobel Prize, used to hire a shooter keeping a detailed record of her 'colorful personal experiences' and 'epic-like heroic legends.' The so-called autobiography was later published with the title 'Dragon Fighter', and with the foreword written by her much admired tutor, the Dalai Lama. The book has also been labeled by some anti-China political observers abroad as a living force in a fierce defiance of the Chinese government and its policies governing autonomous regions and ethnic minority groups, and Kadeer herself a fearless fighter for human rights and independence of China's Xinjiang Autonomous Region, 1/3 of China's territory. Unfortunately, Ms. Kadeer's deeds always betray the 'lofty goal' she is seeking after for dear life.
Before 1999, she was among the galaxy of the 'happy few' who benefited from China's achievements by adopting the reform and opening up policy, and was listed within the then top 10 richest persons in the country, and ranked No.1 in Xinjiang with a hoard of individual wealth worth over 100 million yuan. Rebiya, a mother of 11 children from two marriages, rose to fame rapidly as a shrewd businesswoman, and later was elected a member of the 8th National Committee of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and meanwhile she was also put in charge of the Chamber of Commerce in Xinjiang. But in 1999, she ended up her glorious days in prison with the charges of tax evasion and criminal acts endangering state secrets. Nevertheless, she did not see through her seven-year term and was released in 2005 for the consideration of her health. The same year, Rebiya applied for a chance to go to the U.S. and join her second husband, a veteran separatist, and gained approval from the government on the conditions that she would never involve in any plot fanning independence of Xinjiang, and subversive activity against the Chinese government, as Rebiya herself pledged repeatedly before her departure.
Obviously, she went back on her word. Since the notorious 'East Turkistan Islamic Movement' was blacklisted as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and the international community after the 9/11 terrorist attack, Rebiya changed her identity with no time to spare and into new forms of 'World Uighur Congress' and 'Uighur American Association,' but what remains unchanged under the bewildering disguise of the assorted names is the core essence of terrorism and violence, and the 'desperate fulfillment' of all her ambitions at the cost of civilians' life and property.
Nobel Prize will lose its luster if it were meted out to the hands stained with innocent blood. No government would have the tolerance when seeing its people are living in the dread of killing and looting. Physical damage could be measured in terms of money, but the trauma will linger on like a ghost. Rebiya, as well as those with the mentality marked by antipathy and gloom, might intend to dislocate the Chinese society and split China, but will be hoisted by their own petard.

Police refute Rebiya's claim of '100 deaths in Kashgar'

Police in Kashgar, in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Thursday denied claims by Rebiya Kadeer, the separatist World Uyghur Congress leader, that police had killed more than 100 Uygurs while breaking up mass demonstrations in the city.
In a response to the deadly violence that began in the region Sunday, a statement by Kadeer was published in U.S. media on July 8. In it, she said, "Kashgar has been the worst effected of these cities and unconfirmed reports state that over 100 Uygurs have been killed there.
"Troops have entered Kashgar, and sources in the city say that two Chinese soldiers have been posted to each Uyghur house."
However, the public security bureau of Kashgar, 1,600 km southwest of Urumqi, the regional capital of northwestern Xinjiang, issued a written statement to Xinhua, denying the allegations.
The statement said more than 200 people tried to gather at the Id Kah Mosque, the largest mosque in China, and created a "disturbance" there at about 5:15 p.m. on Monday.
Local security forces and armed police rushed to the scene, "using vehicles mounted with loudspeakers to disperse the masses who were ignorant of facts" surrounding the previous day's violence in Urumqi, the statement said.
"They reacted immediately to round up troublemakers and quell the incident."
The crowd was dispersed by police at about 6 p.m. with "no deaths or injuries," the police said.
Xinhua reporters saw most of the shops in Kashgar were closed on July 7. A few restaurants run by Uygur people were open at about 10 p.m., normally a busy time. Few people were in the streets.
No military police or anti-riot vehicles were seen in the streets. Some police vehicles passing by reminded people to ignore rumors.
At a basketball court outside the Kashgar Stadium, a group of teenagers played basketball. Sedan cars, pickups and taxis went by occasionally. Taxi drivers waiting for fares chatted while cleaning their cars outside hotels.
Some foreign tourists, in twos and threes, bargained with vendors or took pictures of children playing in the street in Kashgar.
In a riot Sunday evening in Urumqi, at least 156 people died and more than 1,000 were injured, said Li Yi, head of the publicity department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Xinjiang regional committee.

Rebiya Kadeer not entitled to represent Uygur people

A former chairman of the Xinjiang regional government said Saturday that Rebiya Kadeer was "not entitled to represent the Uygur people."
Ismail Amat, a Uygur who headed Xinjiang's regional government from 1979 to 1985, said the "spiritual mother of Uygur people" touted by East Turkestan terrorists was the "scum" of the Uygur community.
"It's widely known that Kadeer sold intelligence information to foreigners and she herself pled guilty in jail," he said. "How can such a person represent the Uygur people?"
Ismail Amat, who was also a vice-chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top lawmaking body, said that by referring to Xinjiang as "East Turkestan" in her bylined article on the Wall Street Journal Wednesday, Kadeer exposed her separatist mentality as well as her ignorance, or rather, vicious distortion of Xinjiang's history.
"East Turkestan" was a term cooked up by foreign invaders more than 200 years ago. he said. "The invaders had wanted, in vain, for all the Chinese people, the Uygur people included, to accept this name."
Xinjiang has been under the jurisdiction of China's central government since 60 B.C. and the Uygur people have always taken pride in their Chinese nationality, he added.
"In the 19th century, the Xinjiang people fought courageously against the Tsarist Russian invaders and foiled the British attempt to colonize the region," he said. "They contributed greatly to China's unification and prosperity."
"It's grieving indeed to see a handful of mobs damaged the reputation of the Uygur people in last Sunday's riot, but they do not represent all the Uygurs either," he said. "These people blaspheme Islam, which insists killing is a crime."
The riot has so far caused 184 deaths and more than 1,000 injuries, left hundreds of vehicles burnt, shops looted and other public facilities destroyed.
"If Kadeer and the separatist 'World Uygur Congress' wanted to take ethnic relations as an excuse to sabotage China's unification, we must be vigilant and firmly crush their plot," he said.
Kadeer was jailed in 1999 on charges of harming national security. She left for the United States shortly after she was released on bail in 2005. She is now leader of the World Uygur Congress, which has close contact with terrorist organizations.
She was once the richest woman in Xinjiang and was named by Forbes in 1995 as the eighth richest on the Chinese mainland.

Rebiya Kadeer's past exemplifies China's policy on ethnic harmony

If Rebiya Kadeer, the leader of the World Uygur Congress, thought about her own past, she would count herself among the numerous Uyghurs who had benefited from China's policies to promote ethnic harmony.
The tale of Kadeer, who spent 40 years in Xinjiang and was listed as the richest woman in Xinjiang and the eighth richest on the mainland by Forbes in 1995, is a rags-to-riches story.
But AFP on Monday quoted Kadeer as saying the deeper cause of Sunday's riot in China's far northwest Xinjiang, which left at least 156 dead, was "six decades of Chinese rule, during which the Uyghurs have endured a litany of human rights abuses such as arbitrary detention, torture, discrimination, religious repression, forced abortion and removing Uighur language teaching from schools."
"Abuse" is hardly an appropriate word to describe the lives of Uyghurs in Xinjiang -- least of all in her own life, which started off in poverty, but later flourished on Chinese soil.
She built her business empire and became "The Millionairess" in Xinjiang within 10 years. But, if her allegations of "discrimination" against the Chinese government were true, only Han Chinese would have been allowed such opportunities.
Her identity as a Uygur also allowed her to have six children while most of her Han counterparts were limited to one.
Human rights abuse accusations by Kadeer, including religious repression and removing Uygur-language teaching from schools, fall flat as achievements made by both local people and the government are a matter of record.
Kadeer's accusation of "discrimination" in her interview with AFP does not hold water as can be seen by the number of minorities holding sought-after government posts.
In Xinjiang, minority people hold more than half of government posts, which are usually hotly contested in China's competitive job market. About 360,000 government employees in Xinjiang are ethnic minorities.
Official statistics show the number of middle school bilingual classes (in both Mandarin and Uygur) was 4,500 in 2007, with total enrollment of 145,000 students, compared with only 27 in 1999, when the figures were first compiled. The bilingual classes were first introduced in the early 1990s.
Jume Tahir, 69, imam at the Id Kah Mosque, the biggest in Kashgar with a history of almost 600 years, said the government had invested 1.5 million yuan (219,500 US dollars) to renovate the mosque in 1999.
Tahir says, "Our lawful religious beliefs are fully protected."
China has respected and recognized its minorities' freedom to religious faith since it adopted its first Constitution in 1954. More importantly, enshrined in the Constitution is the aim to "promote common prosperity for all ethnic groups."
That explains why the government cherishes a hard-won stable and peaceful environment and has called for restraint by both Han and Uyghurs.
Kadeer denies government accusations that she and her followers instigated the protests that later started the riot and said Wednesday the death toll from the unrest was far higher than the figure of 156 given by Chinese authorities, according to an AFP report.
Admittedly, the development of Xinjiang is far from perfect. Both Uygurs and Han face problems such as poverty and disease, and challenges brought about by globalization.
These are the elements that stand in the way of Xinjiang's development and require ethnic unity to overcome.
People in Xinjiang need to address those problems in peaceful ethnic co-existence.
And yet, all this would be impossible without a stable Xinjiang from which Kadeer sprang and benefited.

Rebiya Kadeer fakes photos of Xinjiang riot

A pictures pubished on Nanfang Weekly’s website on June 26 of an incident in Hubei Province in central China.

Rebiya Kadeer, head of the World Uyghur Congress holds a photo of the Xinjiang riots in an interview with the Qatar Al Jazeera.
Rebiya Kadeer, the well-known Uyghur dissident now living in exile in the US who is believed to be behind the Xinjiang riots on July 5, used an old news photo of a different incident in China when talking about the Xinjiang riots to clarify that she and her organization were not responsible for the incident in Xinjiang.
In a video clip on Youtube, Kadeer was interviewed by the Qatar Al Jazeera. She held a blown-up photo of Chinese policemen standing in lines on the streets to illustrate how the Chinese army dealt with “the peaceful protesters in Urumqi”. “My people are surrounded by the Chinese army. how could they start an attack?” asked Kadeer.
However, the photo she used was found to be another photograph capturing a mass incident that happened in Shishou, Hubei Province in central China, which is thousands of kilometers away from Xinjiang. The photo was first published in Nanfang Weekly’s website on June 26 in a news story titled, Fight over the bodies in Shishou. In the video, when the Al Jazeera showed a clip of a Han Chinese girl being attacked on a street in Urumqi and asked how Kadeer felt about it, she said, “My people are protesting peacefully. Their actions are peaceful actions.”
The news of the fake photo spreads over China’s Internet quickly, and stirred indignation. A web user commented that Kadeer is “crazily ridiculous in faking the photos”, and the deed is “not only a joke to her ‘peaceful’ mask, but also a humiliation on the IQs of the international community”.

Evidence shows Rebiya Kadeer behind Xinjiang riot: Chinese gov't

The separatist World Uyghur Congress led by Rebiya Kadeer was behind the deadly July 5 Xinjiang riot, in which at least 156 people died and more than 1000 were injured, sources with the government said.
Evidence showed the riot was organized. It was instigated and masterminded by the World Uyghur Congress led by Kadeer, the sources said.
The Congress used the June 26 factory brawl between Uygur and Han ethnic workers in Guangdong Province, in which two Uygurs died, to create chaos.
On July 1, the Congress held a special meeting, plotting to instigate unrest by sending messages via the Internet, telephones and mobile phones.
On July 4, some people inside the country began to send out a flood of online posts encouraging people to go to the Renmin Square in Urumqi, capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, to protest on July 5 to support separatists abroad.
At 1:06 a.m. July 5, police in Urumqi were tipped off that some people were putting out illegal information calling for an illegal gathering at Renmin Square at 7 p.m. July 5.
According to recordings of calls, at 11 a.m. July 5, Kadeer said, as she called her younger brother in Urumqi, "A lot of things have happened, and we all know something might happen in Urumqi tomorrow night."
On July 6, Kadeer held an emergency meeting with some senior members of the Congress to make plans to further stir up both domestic and overseas demonstrations and to call for intervention from foreign governments and human rights institutions.
Their schemes were immediately materialized in the attack on China's consulate in Munich, Germany, on Monday morning and the violence done by over 150 separatists in front of China's embassy in the Netherlands that afternoon.
All these facts pointed to Kadeer, whose personal experience bore further evidence of her splitist connection.
Kadeer was elected in 2006 to be the chairwoman of the Congress, which was founded in Munich in 2004.
The Congress, an organization alleging to represent the ultimate interests of East Turkestan people, is wholly dedicated to masterminding secessionist activities in the name of human rights and democracy, the government said.
Born in Xinjiang in 1951, Kadeer, a former businesswoman in China, made a fortune illegally from the 1980s on through tax evasion and fraud.
She was sentenced to an eight-year imprisonment in 2000 on charges of illegally disclosing state secrets, and was released on bail in 2005 to seek medical treatment in the United States.
She immediately got involved with overseas terrorists, separatists and extremists forces there, according to Wang Lequan, Communist Party chief of Xinjiang.
Kadeer once claimed the Congress would plot to sabotage activities marking the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China this year.
Touted as the "mother of Uygur people" by East Turkestan terrorists, Kadeer constantly visited Germany and other countries in northern Europe to build support.
"Kadeer's credentials got the recognition of overseas East Turkestan forces, and her experience is also an advantage to be capitalized on by Western anti-Chinese forces," said Ma Dazheng, director of the Xinjiang development research center of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
Pan Guang, an expert in international affairs and director of the Shanghai International Studies Center, said, "The East Turkestan terrorist forces portray Kadeer as a figure comparable to the Dalai Lama to promote her international influence."
"Actually, they just want to follow the road of the Dalai Lama to put the so-called Xinjiang issue into the international spotlight," he said.

"Unintentional scream" triggered Xinjiang riot

The teenager at the center of allegations of sexual assault that sparked the deadly violence in western China's Xinjiang region Wednesday said the incident was nothing more than an "unintentional scream."
A brawl between Han and Uygur workers at a toy factory in the southern Guangdong Province on June 26 is said to have sparked Sunday's riot that left 156 people dead and more than 1,000 injured thousands of kilometers away in the Xinjiang capital of Urumqi.
But the people at the center of the conflict believed it was just a row between young men.
The brawl in Shaoguan City was said to have flared up over allegations of a "sexual assault on a Han girl by a Uygur worker" that left two people dead and more than 100 injured.
The "Han girl," a 19-year-old trainee who had worked at the factory less than two months, said she only found out hours later that she was the cause of the violence.
"I was lost and entered the wrong dormitory and screamed when I saw those Uygur young men in the room," said Huang Cuilian, originally from rural Guangdong.
Huang said she had no idea why exactly she was scared. "I just felt they were unfriendly so I turned and ran."
She remembered one of them stood up and stamped his feet as if he would chase her. "I later realized that he was just making fun of me."
She spent the night with a school teacher who accompanied her and her schoolmates to the job, not knowing her screams had stirred a fight between Han and Uygur workers.
Other ethnic Uygurs working at the factory say they will continue to work in Guangdong.
Atigul, 21, says she takes a manual, "900 Phrases of Commercial Chinese," wherever she goes and the bloodshed has not put her off working there.
"I'm ready to stay here for at least a year. After all, my folks back home need to work hard for a whole year to earn what I make in a month," Atigul said through an interpreter. Her monthly wage averages 1,400 yuan, almost equal the annual income she earned in her hometown.
Her co-worker, Yossef, 19, felt more comfortable because he spoke fluent Mandarin, but could not write. "I learned Mandarin at primary school."
Guangdong Province had hired about 800 workers from Xinjiang from May to fill its labor shortages, said Li Xiuying, an official in charge of ethnic and religious affairs in Guangdong.
"Most of them are Uygurs aged from 18 to 29 and are eager to learn. But their distinct lifestyles, culture and poor Mandarin isolate them to some extent from their Han colleagues," she said.
China's booming coastal region is attracting an increasing number of ethnic minorities from the the poor west. Guangdong alone is host to 1.5 million workers of ethnic minorities.
"The fight in the toy factory was just an isolated incident, but unfortunately, the separatists have made use of it to create chaos," said Nur Bekri, chairman of the Xinjiang regional government.
The rioting in Urumqi forced Chinese President Hu Jintao cut short his European trip and returned to Beijing Wednesday, skipping a G8 meeting with leaders from other developing countries that is expected to cover the economic crisis and climate change among other global issues.
A statement on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' website said Hu's trip was cut short "in light of the current situation in Xinjiang".
This change of schedule was the first overt public response by the central leadership to the deadliest riot in six decades in the far western region that covers a sixth of China's territory and has a population of 21 million.
Xinjiang police said they had evidence that the separatist World Uygur Congress led by Rebiya Kadeer masterminded the riot.
"Those rioters by no means represented the Uygur people. They were incited by separatists from abroad and deviated from the spirit of the Koran," said Abdul Rehep, vice president of Xinjiang Islam Association.
About 60 percent of Xinjiang residents are "ethnic minorities," meaning Chinese nationals other than the most populous Han group. They represent 47 ethnic groups including the Uygur, Kazak, Hui, Mongolian, Kirgiz, Tajik, Ozbek, Manchu, Tatar and Russian.
The central government has been implementing a policy that offers many privileges to minorities. These include easier access to colleges and certain jobs and at least two children per family instead of one for Han families in urban areas.

Anti-terror expert: World Uyghur Congress behind Xinjiang violence

Evidence showed that World Uyghur Congress had masterminded Sunday's deadly violence in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, a Chinese counter-terrorism expert told Xinhua Tuesday.
"Judging from what Rebiya Kadeer,leader of the World Uyghur Congress, had said and done, it is fair to say the organization masterminded the incident," said Li Wei, director of the Center for Counter-Terrorism Studies with the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations.
"After the March 14 unrest in Tibet last year, Kadeer said in public that something similar should happen in Xinjiang. The riot in Urumqi bore some similarities with the March 14 incident."
Kadeer had been in close relations to the Dalai Lama, Li said, noting that the Xinjiang riot was regarded by experts as an "intentional imitation" of what happened in Lhasa.
"The riot was by no means incidental and spontaneous," he noted. "It was well organized as riots, targeting civilians, occurred at several locations at the same time."
Xinjiang police said Monday they had evidence that Rebiya Kadeer masterminded the Sunday riot, and had obtained recordings of calls between overseas Eastern Turkestan groups and their accomplices inside the country.
In the recorded calls, Kadeer said, "Something will happen in Urumqi." She also called her younger brother in Urumqi, saying, "We know a lot of things have happened," referring to the June 26 brawl involving workers from Xinjiang in a toy factory in Guangdong Province.
"This year marks the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China," Li said. "The World Uyghur Congress has chosen this specific time to do damage."